Biden keeps it brief on handling childcare costs

Analyzing the article

red herring
appeal to authority

Our Analysis: 2 Fallacies


He did... virtually nothing to child care. We should significantly increase the child care tax credit. We should significantly increase the availability of women and men for child or single parents to be able to go back to work, and we should encourage businesses to hold - to have child care facilities.



Biden's arguments in this segment of the presidential debate, while more focused on the original question about childcare than Trump's, still do not provide a comprehensive plan for addressing childcare affordability, as he only briefly mentions increasing the child care tax credit and encouraging businesses to provide child care facilities.

1. red herring In this section of the debate dedicated to childcare costs, Biden does briefly mention some policies related to childcare, such as increasing the child care tax credit and encouraging businesses to have child care facilities.


However, he quickly pivots to criticizing Trump's tax policies and record on trade with China, which are not directly related to the specific question about making childcare more affordable.

2. appeal to authority The following statement from Biden suggests that because presidential historians, who are implied to be authoritative figures, voted a certain way, their assessment must be correct without any need to present the reasoning behind their conclusion.


...presidential historians...they voted who's the worst president in American history.


Biden is correct that a recent survey of historians ranked Trump last. The challenge with this statistic is that historical evaluations of presidents can change significantly over time (a fact that Biden fails to mention). The examples of Eisenhower and Nixon are perfect illustrations of this.


Eisenhower's reputation has indeed undergone a major shift. In the 1962 New York Times survey, he was viewed poorly, tied for last place. But as time passed and historians gained more perspective on his presidency, his standing improved dramatically. By 1982, he was in the top 10 in the Chicago Tribune survey. This change reflects a growing appreciation for Eisenhower's steady leadership during the Cold War, his role in ending the Korean War, and his warnings about the "military-industrial complex."


Similarly, Nixon's place in these rankings has fluctuated. Immediately after his resignation, he was often ranked near the bottom due to the Watergate scandal. However, some later evaluations have been more nuanced, acknowledging his foreign policy achievements, such as opening relations with China, even as his domestic scandals still weigh heavily on his legacy.


These examples underscore that presidential rankings are not fixed or definitive. They are shaped by the evolving perspectives of historians and the public, and can be influenced by changing cultural attitudes, newly available information, and the passage of time, which allows for a more comprehensive assessment of a president's long-term impact.


This historical context reinforces the idea that Biden's use of authority in citing these presidential rankings, while not entirely fallacious, should be taken with a grain of salt. A single survey of historians, even if conducted recently, does not necessarily represent a final or unassailable verdict on a president's place in history.

References

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Disclaimer

Note that there being one or more apparent fallacies in the arguments presented in this article does not mean that every argument the arguer made was fallacious, nor does it mean there are not other arguments in existence for the same or similar position that are logically valid. Also note that checking for fallacies is not the same as verification of the premises the arguer starts from, such as facts that the arguer asserts or principles that the arguer assumes as the foundation for constructing arguments. For more about this, see our 'What is Fallacy Checking?'

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